In this article, we can begin to look at how this rebuilding process started, what concrete forms it takes on, and an evaluation of its successes and setbacks. These novel findings are based on the interviews conducted with participants in these institutions, as well as news reports from local outlets. Throughout this process, I had the chance to interview three archaeologists — Salah Mahmoud Sino from Afrîn, Nsebh Mostafa Alkhalaf from Raqqa and Abdelwaheb Sheikho from Manbij.
4.1. The First Steps Towards Rebuilding
As discussed in chapter 2.2., the Syrian government maintained a hold on the Kurdish areas of Rojava until 2012, when city after city began to declare its autonomy. At a time when Syria was divided into hundreds of minor militias and alliances, the challenges faced by each region had an impact on the rebuilding of archaeological institutions. Before we return to the core of our research, lets begin by outlining some of the different micro-histories of the committees in Afrîn, Manbij. Speaking to these archaeologists hailing from three different cities, we can paint an initial picture of the work that has been undertaken in the past decade. The process of reconstructing these archaeological institutions differed vastly by city and region, with each facing their own unique challenges. This makes these case-studies especially relevant, as it demonstrates how the AANES’ heritage institutions have adapted and developed in different circumstances.
4.1.1. Afrîn
Afrîn was spared most of the destruction of the civil war, acting as a safe haven for refugees from other parts of Syria. It is located in the North-West of the country in largely mountainous area, and home to a population of mostly Kurds, Yazidis and Turkmen (Knapp et al, 2016, p. 4). Notable archaeological sites in the region include the Iron-age Hittite temple of Ain Dara, the site of Cyrrhus, and countless Tells (Sino, 2019a, p. 7, 22).
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Whilst the broader Afrîn canton was home to around 400,000 people before the start of the civil war, this would increase to 1,2 million due to an influx of refugees (Knapp et al, 2016, p. 4). Power transitioned peacefully to the councils of Afrîn after the Syrian government left under pressure of local demonstrations. When Democratic Autonomy was officially declared in 2014, the Antiquities and Tourism committee was established within the Afrîn autonomous administration (S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022). As with all other AANES institutions, the committee is led by two co-chairs. The official mission of the committee was the preservation of the archaeological sites of the Afrîn canton, monitoring sites through a network of observers. Limited solely to the preservation and observation of local sites, new- archaeological excavations wouldn’t be conducted until a peace-settlement in Syria was certain. Local outreach initiatives — in schools, cultural centres, homes and councils — were also undertaken in order to promote the conservation of local sites (S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
During the 2018 Turkish invasion of Afrîn, all civil structures operating in the canton were forced into exile, including the antiquities committee. Now based in Tell Rifaat in Shehba canton, the committee continues to monitor the state of archaeological sites around Afrîn through a network of informants who remained in the region, as well as through satellite image databases (S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022). Here, a similar approach is taken as in the paper by Casana and Laugier (2017), viewing known sites through consecutive images whilst noting the appearance of pits, mounds and excavation equipment. Speaking to Salah Mahmoud Sino, co-chair of Afrîn’s archaeology committee, he emphasises that the greatest obstacle to archaeological work in region has been the Turkish occupation. We will discuss this in more detail in subchapter 4.5.1.
4.1.2. Manbij
Manbij, which was occupied by IS from January 2014 to August 2016, had become a centre of the Islamic State’s archaeological trafficking activities (Almohamad, 2021, p. 229). Whilst the city had previously been in the hands of a grouping of FSA militias, the takeover by IS would leave the city under one single authority. Archaeological sites within the city suffered a similar fate to elsewhere in Syria, with the first few months of occupation being marked by systemic destruction and sporadic looting by both IS militants and locals. IS’s Qasmu Al-Athar only became active in the city in December, after which it began freely distributing licences to locals (Almohamad, 2021, p. 229).
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According to Sheikho, Manbij was liberated from IS in August, 2016, by a combined force of YPG/YPJ fighters and local Arab militias, the construction of the Manbij Civic Council began to fill the administrative void. In May 2017, the city’s executive council began the formation of the Antiquities directorate, which was finished in July. Similar to the work conducted in Afrîn, the activities of the Manbij antiquities directorate would be limited to preservation and monitoring of known sites. Recovered artefacts and damaged sites were documented photographically and electronically archived (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022).
Local outreach initiatives are undertaken. These include seminars at local schools and cultural forums, as well as through media. For example, ManbijTV — a local broadcasting station — hosts a series on local archaeological sites featuring members of the Antiquities directorate. RojavaTV, a bilingual Kurdish-Arabic channel also hosts a show called Oasis of Culture (واحة الثقافة), which has hosted archaeologists as guests (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022).
4.1.3. Raqqa
Known as the former ‘capital' of the Islamic State, and having suffered through a devastating battle to rid the city of the IS’s forces, the situation in Raqqa is exceedingly difficult (Knights & van Wilgenburg, 2021, p. 146). The city is home to the Raqqa archaeological museum, which was extensively looted during the civil war (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022). It used to house over 12,500 artefacts, and many of the most prestigious artefacts in the museum having been destroyed or stolen since (“Explainer: Archeology in Raqqa and Manbij”, 2021). Some sites were also used by IS as storage (Haydar, 2021).
According to Nsebh Mostafa Alkhalaf, director of Raqqa’s antiquities directorate, after the liberation of Raqqa in October of 2017, the Antiquities Directorate office in Raqqa was opened in November. Work began to secure the archaeological sites located in the city — whilst ISIS had retreated from Raqqa, the sites were still under threat from looters. With limited budget availability and a lack of security presence at archaeological sites, the local directorate has to rely on locals to inform them of suspicious activity. She emphasises that this necessitates amicable relations between locals and the administration, and that relations with local communes are good (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
Raqqa is now home to the Antiquities Directorate’s executive office, which hosts the monthly meeting of
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representatives. It was moved here after the city of Ras al-Ayn was invaded during Turkey’s 2019 Operation ‘Peace Spring’ (S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
4.2. Archaeology and the Communes
There are several bodies that are relevant to how heritage management is conducted. The first of which we have already touched on, namely the local antiquities directorates which are present in the different regions of the AANES — Jazeera, Afrîn, Euphrates, Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor. Operating as sub- committees of the regional Culture and Arts Commission, they are well-integrated into the Autonomous Administration structure.
As with all other AANES institutions, the antiquities directorates employ the co-chair system. According to Sino and Alkhalaf, there is ample representation for women. In Afrin, three out of the directorate’s five members are women, and in Raqqa there are 22 women working in the Culture and Antiquities committee. Alkhalaf emphasised the changing position of women within her city of Raqqa; under the Assad regime, she was unable to find employment. During IS’ occupation, this worsened even further. But with the introduction of the Autonomous Administration, it became possible for women to find work in any field (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
Each regional committee consists of people from the local area. According to Alkhalaf, they specifically look for people with prior experience in archaeology, either in a professional or academic setting, or through past employment at dig sites. Involvement is not predicated on ethnicity, as both Sino and Alkahalf emphasise. Both Raqqa and Afrin were marginalised under the Damascus government, which was strictly centralised (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022; S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
These regional committees are responsible for the preservation and registration of sites within their administrative region, as well as the maintenance of museums . They are also responsible for ensuring compliance with regulations regarding the renovation of historic buildings or the construction of new ones adjacently, with the aim of preventing new building developments from disrupting the skyline or visual aesthetic of a given area. Regional antiquities committees act the point of contact for local residents. For example, if someone discovers an artefact or potential new site, it must be reported to the nearest Antiquities
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Directorate or — when convenient — Internal Security office, which subsequently passes on the report (see Appendix D).
The executive antiquities council consists of the co-chairs of the Culture committee of the AANES and the co-chairs of the regional antiquities committees. This council meets on a monthly basis in Raqqa. With seven different regions in the AANES, this means it consists of 16 members. It’s responsibilities are varied; granting approval to foreign excavation teams, coordinating restoration projects, classification of sites as being of archaeological value and facilitating artefact loans or exchanges (see Appendix D).
Fig. 9. A diagram detailing the relationships between the Antiquities directorates and the general AANES structure.
4.3. Heritage Policy & the AANES
Whilst these mini case studies can tell us about the day-to-day activities and challenges of archaeology committees, the region-wide heritage policy of the AANES is also worth reviewing. Here, we can consult the limited selection of documentation available in English pertaining to archaeology. The most comprehensive
of these documents is the 14-page AANES Law No. 4, which was passed in the General Council in July
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2019, which covers the protection of cultural heritage and the duties of relevant committees. An English translation of the document was provided by Salah Mahmoud Sino. A full copy is available in Appendix D.
The document begins by emphasising that the cultural heritage of North-East Syria belongs to “all components” of society and humanity at large. The first section of the document is concerned with defining the roles and responsibilities of the different types of committees, particularly relating to immovable heritage. Antiquities are defined as dating back to at least 200 years ago, with other notable sites — of historic or cultural significance — able to be added to the registry on decision of the executive council. There are also strict provisions regarding looting, trafficking, vandalising or otherwise altering heritage, detailed in articles 5, 9-12 and 23-25. The penalties for breaking these rules are detailed in articles 38-50, usually in the form of fines or Excavation proceedings are also regulated in articles 26-37. Article 30 lists the standards that any excavation work must adhere to, detailing the types of reports, documentation and preservation that ought to be conducted. Excavation work must also be subject to inspections by the antiquities committee to assure proper adherence to these standards (see Appendix D).
In 2020, the SDF General Command issued a document entitled “Confirmation of Our Policy towards the Protection of Cultural Properties”. In the document, adherence to the 1954 Hague Convention and the 1999 Second Protocol is put front and centre, and it outlines the code of conduct for the SDF. It forbids the military occupation of cultural properties, the trafficking of artefacts and reaffirms its commitment to protecting local heritage (Syrian Democratic Forces General Command, 2020). This commitment to international law is echoed by each of the interviewees as well, and this is reflected in the activities of each local committee. For the duration of the civil war, until a peace settlement has been reached, all work conducted is solely dedicated to preservation, which is required by international law (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022; S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
4.4. Educational Institutions
Syria suffered from an intense brain-drain during the civil war, with many educated professionals leaving the country. This also applies to archaeology, with interviewees decrying the lack of experts in the country (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022; S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022). How
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the region will be able to recover from this will depend on its ability to train the next generation of archaeologists.
According to Salah Sino and Abdelwahab Sheikho, education initiatives surrounding archaeology are limited to small-scale seminars in local schools, but there is no proposal in place to expand this to tertiary education. For Sheikho, this outreach is of high importance; after decades of looting, changing society’s view on antiquities ought to begin with the youth;
“The view of antiquities that persists now is due to the lack of awareness, culture and ignorance in archaeology, and heritage, so the view is purely materialistic. The concept of archeology is related to matter or money. People want to obtain gold or everything that brings them money without realizing the scientific value of this antiquity [...]. Therefore, it is our duty now, especially after the stage of the war that wiped out schools, stones, antiquities, and people, to raise awareness in society by holding seminars and lectures through cultural centres, the audio-visual media, and rehabilitating archaeological sites and turning them into tourist sites.” (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022)
Both interviewees expressed their support for an initiative within tertiary education (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022; S.M. Sino, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
The educational system in the AANES is run through the autonomous administration. In their 2022 report, the Rojava Information Center outlined the workings of tertiary education in the AANES. There are 3 different higher education institutions in North-East Syria; Rojava University, Kobanê University and Al- Sharq University. The fourth, Afrîn university, closed after the 2018 Turkish invasion. All universities coordinate together in the Universities Coordination Committee, which is a subcommittee of the AANES Education Board. As of 2022, universities in North-East Syria house numerous departments and specialised institutes, including but not limited to medicine, engineering, agriculture, educational science, religious studies and social sciences. However, courses for archaeology are yet to be implemented (Rojava Information Center, 2022, p. 4, 13).
This is problematic for two reasons. Firstly, if the AANEs wants to ensure the longevity of it’s heritage institutions, it will have to avoid relying on regime or foreign educational institutions to cover this skills gap. Without a home-grown cadre of archaeologists, heritage institutions in North-East Syria will remain
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dependent on on outside support. And seeing as all three currently-operating universities lack international accreditation, this may remain the case for the foreseeable future as the region struggles to attract specialists. Secondly, if the AANES seeks to rival the regime in knowledge production and avoid it’s nationalist archaeological practices, the multicultural ethos that permeates it’s political praxis will have to be incorporated in its archaeology curriculum. Avoiding the primordialist approach — used by the Syrian regime and also present in elements of Öcalan’s work — will be a necessary step in order to gain legitimacy, both in the eyes of the diverse local population and international academia. In this regard, it is beneficial that the AANES does not take a dogmatic ideological approach to education. This is perhaps best reflected in the decision to stall the roll-out of a new AANES curriculum in primary schools, which was met with concerns over perceived ideological indoctrination (Rojava Information Center, 2021, p. 58). An in-depth assessment of the contents of these books by Pinar Dinç (2020) found that they did not contain the purported Kurdish nationalism or Apoist propaganda, contrary to what had been reported in local conservative media outlets (p. 1007). But in the face of local unrest in the last territory to be held by IS, the progressive values of the administration take a backseat in the face of pragmatic requirements to keep the more conservative tribes on their side.
4.5. Ongoing Projects
Civil war or no civil war, archaeological work has continued regardless. With so much damage inflicted upon archaeological sites, the most pressing matter at hand is restoration, which is being undertaken in all of the AANES regions.
In Manbij, 45 sites were documented before the commencement of restoration projects following the establishment of the antiquities directorate (al-Hassan, 2020). South of Manbij lies a Roman cemetery, which had been vandalised during IS’ occupation of the city (A. Sheikho, personal communication, 2022). Restoration work began in 2020, first removing the rubble present at the site, with the goal of eventually turning the site into an open attraction for the public. In 2022, the Manbij Antiquities Directorate completed the restoration of Qal’at Najm castle, of which the walls had partially collapsed due to harsh weather and a previous amateur restoration. It remained untouched for 14 years before the latest restoration (al-Hussein, 2022).
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Raqqa’s situation, being considerably more
difficult, has limited the extent to which restoration
activities could take place. In 2021, Raqqa’s former
Archaeology Committee co-chair Khitam al-
Abdullah stated to North Press Agency that there
are still more than a hundred sites in need of
restoration. Sites such as the bronze-age Tell Bi’a
are still subject to sporadic looting (Abdullatif,
2021a). So far, three partial restoration projects
have been undertaken, namely at the site of Qasr al-
Banat, the old city wall and the Raqqa museum
(Abdullatif, 2021b; “Explainer: Archeology in
Raqqa and Manbij”, 2021). To facilitate this restoration process, the Raqqa Civil Council reopened brick ovens near the town of Herakla to produce bricks in accordance with traditional baking practices. These bricks are intended to be used in restoration projects of Qasr al-Banat, the Bab al-Baghdad and al-Mansur mosque (“Explainer: Archeology in Raqqa and Manbij”, 2021). Restoration of Raqqa’s museum has also progressed slowly, with the main focus lying on restoring the actual building. However, thousands of artefacts remain missing according to Muhammed Izzo, former curator of the museum (Abdullah, 2022).
4.6. Challenges and Setbacks
All interviewees mentioned similar challenges — mainly a lack of funding and expertise. This has necessitated some improvisation on the part of the antiquities committee. However, according to Sheikho and Alkhalaf, this does not replace the need for experts in restoration and archaeology.
In some cases, restoration work can lead to conflicting interests with those living in and around sites. The previously mentioned site of Tell Bi’a is also home to a small camp of internally-displaced persons (IDPs) who fled the countryside of the city of Homs in Western Syria (Abdullatif, 2021a). This presents the Raqqa Civil Council with a dilemma, as it puts the goals of the antiquities committee in direct conflict with the needs of IDPs. In the end, Raqqa’s Antiquities Committee and Social and Labor Affairs committee decided in favour of deporting the inhabitants of the camp. This is in accordance with article 4 of the Antiquities Law,
Fig. 10. A local worker inside of the Herakla brick ovens. From Explainer: Archeology in Raqqa and Manbij, by Rojava Information Centre, n.d. (https://rojavainformationcenter.com/ 2021/08/explainer-archeology-in-raqqa-and-manbij/)
which grants the ability to evacuate lived-in archaeological sites (see appendix D). As of now, they still remain present on the site, as the Raqqa Civil Council is working on the construction of a larger IDP camp near the city to house the disparate refugee camps in the city’s countryside. Once this is complete, the Tell Bi’a IDPs will be moved to the new camp so that restoration work can be conducted (N.M. Alkhalaf, personal communication, June 7, 2022).
Looting of sites still continues, albeit no longer at an industrial scale. Locals, impoverished due to the civil war, try to find ways to supplement their meagre income with artefact trafficking. During 2021, the AANES’ internal security service, Asayish, undertook 60 operations related to artefact trafficking, retrieving a total of 253 artefacts (Hamo, 2021). likely only the tip of the iceberg. As the antiquities committees do not have the necessary resources to monitor each site at all times, and with the more pressing concerns of ISIS sleeper cells, this will likely remain an issue until the conclusion of the civil war.



